Tbolis currtly reside on the mountain slopes on either side of the upper Alah Valley and the coastal area of Maitum, Maasim and Kiamba in the province of Sarangani. In former times, the Tbolis also resided in the upper floor of the Alah Valley. After World War II and the arrival of settlers from other parts of the Philippines, they have be gradually pushed to the mountain slopes. As of now, they have almost be expelled from the fertile valley floor.
Like their immediate neighbouring ethnic groups, the Úbûs, Blàan, Blit, Tàú-Segél, and the Tasaday, they have historically be described as pagans, animists, etc., as opposed to Muslim peoples or Christian settlers. In political contexts, however, the Cebuano term Lumad (native) has become an umbrella term for the various polytheistic peoples of Mindanao.
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In ethnographic and linguistic literature on Mindanao, their name is variously spelt Tboli, T'boli, Tböli, Tagabili, Tagabilil, Tagabulul and Tau Bilil. Their donym is Tboli. Their whereabouts and idtity are somewhat imprecise in the literature; some publications prest the Tboli and the Tagabili as distinct peoples; some locate the Tbolis in the vicinity of Lake Buluan in the Cotabato Basin or in Agusan del Norte.
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Tbolis speak their native language of the same name. However, over the decades, Tbolis can speak and understand Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Tagalog and to the some extt, Ilocano, alongside their own native language. These languages were brought and introduced by these settlers from Cebu, Bohol, Siquijor, Negros, Panay, Tagalog-speaking regions, Ctral Luzon and Ilocandia, upon their arrival into Tboli homelands during the early 20th ctury.
The Tboli have a musical heritage consisting of various types of agung sembles – sembles composed of large hanging, suspded or held, bossed/knobbed gongs that act as drone without any accompanying melodic instrumt.
The Tboli have a tradition of a highly complex polytheistic religion. However, more rect variants of their religion have be influced by Islam and Christianity. Nevertheless, some continue to preserve religious practices from thousands of years old traditions.The Tboli, also known as T’boli, Tiboli, and Tagabili, are an indigenous people living in the southern part of Mindanao, particularly in the municipalities of T’boli, Surallah, Lake Sebu, and Polomolok in the province of South Cotabato and in Maasim, Kiamba, and Maitum in Sarangani. They can also be found in the neighboring provinces of Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, and Davao del Sur. There are four major lakes which are important to the Tboli: Sebu, the largest and the most culturally significant; Siluton, also called Seluton and Seloton, the deepest; Lahit, the smallest; and Holon, a crater lake of Mount Melibengoy in the municipality of T’Boli.
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The name Tboli is a combination of tau, meaning “people, ” and bilil or “hill” or “slope, ” thus meaning “people living in the hills.” However, not all Tboli live upland: those inhabiting the shores of the Celebes Sea, in the municipalities of Maitum, Kiamba, and Maasim, are called the Tboli Mohin; those in the municipalities of Lake Sebu and T’Boli are the Tboli Sebu; and those on the western mountains near the Manobo are the Tao B’lai.
In 1988, the Tboli population was estimated at 227, 000; by 2007, it had grown to almost double: 445, 125. The Tboli language, along with Tiruray or Teduray, Blaan, and Ubo, belongs to the Bilic subgroup of the Malay-Polynesian division of Philippine languages. These four languages are of a different language family from that of the Manobo group in Mindanao.
Anthropologists say that the Tboli could be of Austronesian stock. It is believed that they were already, to some degree, agricultural and used to range the coasts up to the mountains. With the arrival of later groups, however, these people were gradually pushed to the uplands.
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There is reasonable speculation that the Tboli, along with the other upland groups, used to inhabit parts of the fertile Cotabato Valley until the advent of Islam in the region, starting in the 14th century. The Tboli and their Ubu (or Manobo) and Blaan neighbors resisted the aggressive proselytizing of a succession of Muslim warrior-priests, the best known being Sharif Muhammad Kabungsuan from Johore in present-day Malaysia, who established the sultanate of Maguindanao during the late 15th and early 19th centuries.
According to the tarsila (Muslim oral accounts), those who accepted the new faith remained in the Cotabato Valley, while the others retreated to the relative safety and isolation of the mountains. Conflict between the Muslims and the non-Islamized tribes continued. Frequent slaving raids were conducted by the Maguindanaon Muslims on the non-Muslims, including the Tboli. Nevertheless, a regular volume of trade emerged despite the strained relations.
The fierce resistance of the Muslims against Spanish incursions served to insulate the Tboli from contact with Christianity and Spanish colonization. Only when the Americans were able to bring the Muslims under their sway, through a combination of military prowess and civil and religious accommodations, did Christian elements penetrate Cotabato and subsequently the hinterlands. Instrumental in this development was the collaboration of Datu Piang of Maguindanao, whose family was able to exercise considerable political power over the region during the American regime.
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In 1913, 13, 000 hectares of the Cotabato Valley were opened up for settlement, and the first wave of Christians arrived. In 1938, the Philippine government, in an effort to alleviate land pressures and arrest the concomitant rise of peasant revolts in Luzon and the Visayas, opened up 50, 000 hectares in Koronadal Valley for homesteading. The trickle of immigrants gradually increased into major streams of Christians, especially from the Ilocano, Tagalog, and Visayan regions.
From February 1939 to October 1950, except during the war years, 8, 300 families were resettled by the National Land Settlement Agency. These migrations adversely affected the Tboli. With the homesteaders came commercial ranching, mining, and logging interests. Armed with land grants and timber licenses, these individuals and companies increasingly encroached upon the Tboli homelands and displaced those who had resided on the land since prehistory. The Philippine government, which recognized only its own legislated instruments of ownership, did not provide the original inhabitants of the land legal protection from the newcomers. In contrast, except for the occasional presence of American troops in their territory, the Tboli were hardly affected by the Japanese occupation during World War II.
In 1966, the national government heeded the settlers’ call for the separation of the southern part of Cotabato province, thus creating the provinces of North and South Cotabato. The local government unit that was subsequently created inclined toward representing the migrants’ interests rather than those of the indigenous peoples.
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In 1971, Manuel Elizalde, the head of the defunct PANAMIN (Presidential Assistant for National Minorities), announced the purported discovery of a Stone Age group called the Tasaday living in caves in a rain forest of the Tboli area of South Cotabato province. Subsequent studies since then have revealed that they are of the Cotabato Manobo group living in the Tboli area, and thus can also speak Tboli. Nearby are the Tboli village of Kemato and the Cotabato or Blit Manobo village of Teboyung. Tboli leaders attest that “Tasaday” is the name of the mountain peak where the caves are located. They have always gone to these caves, which they call Kilib Mata Awa (Caves of Mercy), for ritual prayers and for shelter when travelling or hunting.
In 1983, the municipality of Lake Sebu was carved out of T’Boli and Surallah municipalities despite resistance from the Tboli, who feared that the creation of the new municipality would further weaken their cultural and political control in the area. By 1983, the Visayan migrant settlers, who made up a mere one-fourth of Lake Sebu’s population, had acquired and controlled three-fourths of its choice land, which had once belonged solely to the Tboli. What was left to the Tboli was undesirable land. The opening of small-scale mining in 1989, the gold rush that followed in Kemato and T’Boli, and rattan gathering and logging by local and transnational companies have further shrunk Tboli territory.
The Tboli were initially hunter-gatherers while being at the same time swidden farmers. Hunting with baho-ne-fet (bow-and-arrow) and sulit or soit (spear) used to be one of the prime sources of Tboli livelihood, supplying them with wild pigs, deer, monkeys, snakes, frogs, birds, and bats. The forests have also supplied them with rattan, bamboo, wax, honey, and other wild fruits and plants for their own use and as items for barter with neighboring groups and lowlanders. The rivers, lakes, and streams of the region supply them with fish, shrimps, and snails caught with fishing rods, spears, nets, and other traps. They raise ducks along lakeshores. They raise domestic animals, the most distinctive being horses, which enjoy a singular stature. Possession of horses is an indicator of financial and social prestige.
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The Tboli society practices the kaingin or tniba (slash-and-burn) method of clearing land for farming. The whole process of tniba production, which begins with the search for an area to clear and ends with harvest, is from January to August. Fields are usually cleared with the bangkung (bolo) on hilltops where Tboli establish their homesteads. Besides
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